Now with added blog
.
Reviews for The Socialist
In the last few years I have been writing
reviews for The Socialist and
Socialism Today. The Socialist
is a weekly newspaper, Socialism Today is a monthly magazine, both
produced by the Socialist Party of which I am a member.
The reviews are
collected here. I have become an "inactivist" as a result of heart
disease but this is one activity I can still enjoy. They are also
reproduced in my blog
interspersed with a lot of other material.
The Apprentice final
When I could drag myself away from the Royal Circus on the Thames, I watched the final of The Apprentice. For those of you unfamiliar with this theatre of cruelty the main character is a pantomime villain, Lord Sugar, who gets to set tasks of varying degrees of daftness and then humiliate the participants.
Sugar is a Labour Peer and acts like a less charming version of Lord Vader. He urges his apprentices to give in to the dark side. After a day of teamwork they are all forced to humiliate and denigrate each other in the boardroom.
And what great ideas did these finalists come up with? One was yet another bloody call centre – even one of Lord Vader's stormtroopers thought this was a tawdry idea! Then there was a website to enable people to buy ingredients for recipes. Lord Vader derided the whole idea that people plan their meals before they cook them. One assumes his Lordship has someone else to do that for him. A recruitment agency proposed by someone who already runs a recruitment agency was the winning idea.
And that leaves one. A fine wine hedge fund. If you want a symbol for the degeneracy of capitalism this will do fine. This is not for people who actually drink wine. No. It is for people who want to invest in fine wine as a hedge against the economic crisis. You can see how this is an idea to set the nation alight and improve the lives of millions of ordinary people. Or perhaps you can't.
The apprentice is undemanding entertainment but if it is an exhibition of the best in British entrepreneurs, heaven help us all.
Fahrenheit 9/11
Written and directed
by Michael Moore
The White House has taken Osama Bin Laden off the "Ten Most Wanted"
list.
They have put on Michael Moore instead.
Moore's film which smashed its way through a cordon of corporate
censorship is an astonishing work of film journalism. The job which a
good journalist or an honest politician (hah!) ought to be doing is
being done by a TV comic and done brilliantly.
Understandably the establishment has pulled out all the stops to
rubbish Michael Moore but the facts in the film speak for themselves
and the Republicans have failed to address a single one of those facts.
The links between Bush and the Saudi Royal Family - undisputed.
The assistance given to the Bin Laden family to flee America -
undisputed.
The pressure on the intelligence services to "prove" Iraq the villain
of the piece and exonerate Saudi Arabia - undisputed.
There are two points in the film where anyone not made out of stone
(or New Labour!) would be moved to tears. They both show mothers crying
out in anguish against the war...one Iraqi and the other a patriotic
right-wing democrat from Moore's home town of Flint.
Another memorable figure is the army corporal who said "he would
not go back to Iraq to kill other poor people" on behalf of the
corporations who are then shown gloating about the wealth which they
can reap from Iraq.
In a priceless sequence Moore approaches US politicians to see how
many of them will sign up their sons to go and fight in Iraq......guess
how many takers he gets.....
Moore is not a socialist but he is an excellent film-maker and the
hatred of the Bush camp against him exceeds any feelings they may have
for the lacklustre Democratic candidates
Go and see the film. Take the family.
Remember
me Rescue me
written by Matt Roper
published by Authentic Lifestyle
ISBN 1-85078-479-5
Website: http://www.mattroper.com
"I stormed over to the blue police cabin and entered without
knocking. Inside, an inspector was lounging, watching football on a
portable TV.
"'Have you any idea what is going on out there? A ten-year-old child is
being sold to the tourists!'"
"He waved me towards the door, not unkindly. 'There's nothing I can
do, you see, senhor. My job here is to protect the tourists.'"
Matt Roper dropped out of a journalism course...in order to become
a first class journalist recording the lives of street girls in Brazil.
The book accurately records the grinding poverty which drives these
girls into prostitution and the attitude of the authorities.
"Protecting the tourists" including those tourists who have come to
Brazil for the sole purpose of picking up underage girls. This is a
pattern which emerges in one country after another. As the authorities
crack down in Thailand the "sex tourism" trade moves to other areas
where the police will "protect the tourists."
The result is that "working girls" will go to great lengths to
appear younger. The economics are simple: the gringos come to Brazil
for underage sex which is illegal in their own countries...and the
gringos will pay the highest prices. The prices are still much lower
than in their own countries and they do not risk prosecution.
The very real risk of AIDS is the price these children pay. Many
also end up addicted to drugs as a matter of deliberate policy on the
part of the rich men who control them.
In cases which he documents girls are enticed from Brazil with
promises of marriage only to find they are virtually imprisoned in
European countries and forced to work as prostitutes there - never
seeing the money which changes hands. About 75,000 girls are estimated
to be "imprisoned" in this way in Europe.
All too often books and TV programs about child prostitution are
either voyeurism or they attempt to patronise the victims. Matt Roper's
book does neither of these things. He places the blame clearly enough:
"Once Recife was the centre of the Brazilian slave trade. More than one
hundred years after the abolition of slavery very little seems to have
changed, At Boa Viagem dark-skinned girls are bought and sold on the
marketplace, taken from their homes and locked up in foreign countries.
And the people who are operating this immensely profitable trade are
white Europeans."
As a journalist, Matt Roper is not required to provide a political
solution to the evils which he brilliantly exposes in this book.
However, he does make clear both in the book and on the website that he
believes the answer is Christian charity.
Socialists believe in freedom of religion but recognise the role of
the church in the past in defending slavery This is exemplified by
Jefferson Davis, President, Confederate States of America "[Slavery]
was established by decree of Almighty God...it is sanctioned in the
Bible, in both Testaments, from Genesis to Revelation...it has existed
in all ages, has been found among the people of the highest
civilization, and in nations of the highest proficiency in the arts."
Likewise the Christian church remains an important
ideological pillar for capitalism, supporting the very system of
exploitation which Matt Roper is exposing. Far from rescuing the
victims of exploitation its main role has been to add to their burdens
a further burden of guilt for their "sins". The Church has also
directly assisted in the spread of AIDS by banning condoms.
Indeed Matt Roper himself recognises the fact that for every child
who is saved from prostitution by charity - another one or two are
recruited by iron economic necessity. He instances a rural village
where people can either work in a factory producing farinha or by
selling their bodies at the border post.
The wages at the factory are so low that when there is a drought a
day's wages will not buy a litre of water. The dangerous and degrading
work of prostitution is better paid.
He concludes "It is always children who bear the brunt of Brazil's
unjust society, Girls like Adeidiane, with her scarred and roughened
hands and troubling chest pains, are forced to choose between 12 hours
of backbreaking work in a sweatshop,and selling her young body in the
street. It is a choice no eleven year old should ever have to make."
Remember me, rescue me is compelling reading and the reader is
certain to remember these smallest victims of exploitation. It is a
tribute to those who, often at considerable personal risk, are trying
to stem the tide in Brazil and around the world.
The Exception to the Rulers
By Amy and David Goodman
ISBN 1-4013-0131-2
Published by Hyperion
When you think of a journalist do you think of a sleazy individual
only interested in pop stars, royalty and sex scandals? Amy Goodman can
make you think again.
Amy Goodman is the reporter who faced the Indonesian military in
East Timor in 1991 armed only with a microphone. She placed herself in
harm's way hoping to help the brave civilians who were marching against
the military and to tell their story to the world. The Indonesian
military had a reputation for killing Australian journalists. Almost
the first question they asked when they attacked her was "Australian?"
"They had stripped us of our possessions, but I still had my passport.
I threw it at them. When I regained my breath I said again 'We're from
America! America!'
"Finally the soldiers lowered their guns from our heads. We think
it was because we were from the same country their weapons were from.
They would have to pay a price for killing us that they never had to
pay for killing Timorese." Her coverage of repression across the globe
has been a dangerous battle to bring the truth to the public, hindered
rather than helped by the corporate media. Imagine for example putting
her coverage of Chevron's blatant support for vicious repression in
Nigeria alongside adverts for Chevron!
Amy Goodman and her brother have pioneered independent media in the
United States. The hour-long TV program produced in New York and
available over the internet at http://democracynow.org is a daily
indictment of the war and the attack on civil liberties in the US and
worldwide. It is surprising to watch as it has the format of a news
program like any other but deliberately includes all the voices which
the corporate media excludes.
That includes voices like that of Rita Lasar who lost her brother
in the terrorist attack on the twin towers, a few blocks from the
studios where Democracy Now! is broadcast. Rita's brother
stayed in the building because he would not leave his quadraplegic
friend behind. On September 14th Bush used his name and his story in
his speech at the National Cathedral in Washington. "Rita quickly
understood how her brother's gentle heroism was being used. She wrote a
letter that appeared in the New York Times on September 18th 2001. "It
is in my brother's name and mine that I pray that we, this country that
has been so deeply hurt, do not do something which will unleash forces
we will not have the power to call back." and of the fireman who lost
four of his squad "As a rescue worker I can't say: we lost so let's
kill six thousand more."
It is no accident that when the Democrat witch-hunt against Nader
was at its height, when Michael Moore and Naomi Klein had crossed the
picket line and supported Kerry, Democracy Now! Interviewed Nader and
enabled him to expose the dirty tricks and the lies being used against
his campaign.
Her book "The Exception to the Rulers" is a withering and closely
argued indictment of "Oily Politicians, War Profiteers and the Media
that loves them." If you want chapter and verse on the links between
Big Business and the Bush administration; between the corporations and
corrupt totalitarian regimes around the world and all of them with the
media in the US: this is the book to read.
One example of the power of independent media among the many in the
book is the battle of Seattle in 1999 - "My colleagues and I from Democracy
Now!
Spent long hours in the streets with journalists from the independent
media centre, being gassed and harassed by police dressed in black
futuristic body armour as we attempted to report what was happening to
the world. "While the networks were quoting the police saying that they
were not using rubber bullets, independent media reporters were
uploading minute-by-minute images as we all picked up the bullets off
the street by the handful."
In advocating independent media, Amy Goodman does not ask to be
admired. She asks to be emulated.
You can get your local library to get a copy. It is very useful work of
reference for socialists and for students of the media.
The Media
in Question
Robert
Ferguson
ISBN
0-340-74078-7
Media
Studies appears on the curriculum in your child's school but a
popular front stretching from Polly Toynbee in the Guardian to Chris
Woodhead in the Telegraph denigrate it as a "soft option"
and suggest that anyone who studies or researches it is wasting their
time. They would much prefer it, for example, if their prose were
read without any analysis. Not only does Robert Ferguson champion
this much-maligned subject but he also adopts a heretical view on
teaching it. For him it is not a subject which casts the teacher in
the role of a sheepdog directing pupils to pre-determined answers but
one in which students and researchers work together both on the
skills of media production and on the analysis of media texts.
The TV or
movies are often seen as realistic because "the camera cannot
lie." However, for example, the people taking the decisions on
how to represent a war can decide whether to focus on faithfully
showing "the action on the front line" or (like Michael
Moore) also pay attention to the grieving mothers, the recruitment of
disadvantaged youngsters into the army and to the big business
interests which profit from warfare. As Ferguson puts it:
"realism, while dependent partly upon verisimilitude,
is also dependent on creating, sustaining or challenging the
audience's understanding of the world being represented. It is not
necessary to agree with what a text offers in terms of dialogue,
acting and so on, in order to accept it as realist. The irony is that
realism is often most persuasive when any superficial criteria ('that
looks like a battlefield') are transcended by thosewhich are more
complex ('after the film, you knew more about the nature of warfare
and those in whose interets it is pursued.') and are not dependent
upon surface appearance."
If "Media
Studies" is divorced from ideology it is reduced to issues of
technique in a vacuum. Understanding the "how" without
tackling the "why" is sterile. Studying the media also
involves studying the society which produces media images.
Questioning is central to Robert Ferguson's approach and time and
again he causes the reader to go beyond simplistic analyses.
For
example when dealing with 'race' in the media, he invites the reader
to go beyond the basic semiotic
analysis and look at the contradictions and tensions within media
messages. Media messages draw on what he terms a "discursive
reserve". This is a set of ideas which the media both "feeds"
and reinforces. A media text will not have a single meaning for a
single audience, it will have *meanings* for *audiences* and an
analysis of how these "work" is more fruitful than seeking
the one meaning of the text.
He also
draws attention to the very real consequences of racism beyond the
media.
"On the one hand it is clear that much of the construction of
otherness, the exotic and issues of 'race' is accomplished through
complex modes of discourse and representation. On the other it is
apparent to all but the most solipsistic that people's lived
existence, and their deaths, cannot be reduced to the discursive. We
have to face the contradictions and dilemmas thrown up at the
interface of the discursive and the material. We must also recognise
that, as media students and researchers, our relationship to our
field of study cannot be that of a 'free floating' intellectual,
questioner or researcher."
Postmodernism
sheds light and casts shadows in roughly equal measure. The book
evaluates the contribution of postmodernism whilst dealing ruthlessly
with its shortcomings.
"The main challenge offered by the concept of postmodernism
for the media studies student and researcher is that it invites a
debate to which there is no easy or final conclusion. Postmodern
media texts open the door for the celebration of consumerism and
liberation from the constraints of some forms of totalitarianism. At
the same time, postmodernity is a period of intense insecurity. In
its denial of totalizing theory, it is prone to a new totalitarianism
which is insistent upon fragmentation and difference. Political
solidarity does not sit happily beside the postmodern."
The book
intentionally raises more questions than it answers but anyone who
really wants to know what media studies is about and why it is
important for socialists could do a lot worse than start with this
book.
A Child called 'It'
by Dave Pelzer
ISBN 1558743669
"A
Child called 'It'" was recommended to me as a book teachers ought to
read. It is an account of the abuse of a child written from the child's
viewpoint. It is autobiography. It sounde the most unpromising thing to
read, something you might read out of duty.
In truth it is
"unputdownable" and you might read it in one go, reluctantly putting it
down to eat or go to work etc. What makes it so is the 'strength of the
weak' - the sheer will to survive of a child who was being treated so
badly.
The only thing I can compare it with is the Russian
writer Solzhenitsyn who writes about the prison camps. You would expect
that to be pretty bloody grim - yet "A Day in the life of Ivan
Denisovitch" is about the triumph of the human spirit - Solzhenitsin
would say the soul - over awful conditions. It makes compelling reading.
As
a reader I felt as the child felt, it is really powerful writing. When
he was bad he was punished by missing meals. Then he was a "bad boy"
because he stole food, so he was punished by not being fed and the
punishments escalated. Some of the punishments (and I do not doubt the
story) seem beyond belief.
Extraordinarily, he believes his
teachers "risked their jobs" by arranging for the police to investigate
and take him away from his abusive mother. There must be some
differences between American and British custom and practice in child
abuse cases. The immediate involvement of the police rather than social
services would be one difference but the idea that teachers feel their
job is on the line if they take action is a considerable difference.
This also reflects the time of the story, the author is now an adult.
The Root of All Evil
Written and directed by Richard Dawkins
Richard
Dawkins two-part program on religion on Channel 4, “The Root of All
Evil” has provoked a massive over-reaction from the religious right who
show no sign of turning the other cheek and forgiving him.
Socialists
support the right of people to practise their religion without imposing
it on others, but that would include the right of scientists like
Dawkins to put a contrary view.
Dawkins does not confine his
strictures to the soft targets of Militant Islamic Fundamentalism. He
draws attention to its mirror images on the fringes of Judaism and in
the religious right in the United States.
“Hellhouse movies”
as they are called are a new growth industry in the USA today.
Graphically filmed, they quite literally “demonise” abortion and
homosexuality with the explicit aim of scaring the viewers. Pastor
Keenan Roberts explains that the aim is 'to leave an indelible
impression on their lives that sin destroys and Jesus saves'. He is
quite happy for children to have nightmares after watching because
otherwise they might commit sins like homosexuality.
The result,
says Dawkins, is a mindset which can justify the murder of a doctor
like Dr. Barnett Slepian who carries out abortions on the grounds that
he is destroying a being created in God's image! There are websites in
the USA which openly advocate the murder of doctors who carry out
abortions.
It is easy for a British audience to ridicule this
kind of thing in the United States but the government’s proposals for
education will include the takeover of swathes of the education service
by organisations of the religious right. More than half of New Labour’s
City Academies are to be run by far-right evangelists
Evolution
will be out. The “one-sided cult of Darwin” will be replaced with a
more rounded view in which the creation of the Earth in six days is
taught as an equivalent theory.
Dawkins programs on Channel 4 are a valuable
contribution to the debate and very timely in the light of the crusade
against science being mounted by the religious right.
Les Miserables
Cameron Mackintosh. Adapted from Victor Hugo's novel
(Queens Theatre London)
To
go and see Les Miserables, like any walk through London’s streets,
means running the gauntlet of people asking for money. “Les miserables”
( a powerful word inadequately translated as “the poor”) People so poor
in many cases they have given up hope.
Inside the warmth of the
theatre you are surrounded by comfortable and respectable people
watching a brilliant colourful musical about the poor people outside in
the street.
And the musical, based on a two-volume 19th
Century novel by Victor Hugo, is not miserable at all because it
contains within it a message of hope that things can be changed.
It
is worth comparing the revolutionaries in Les Miserables with those
other revolutionaries in a 19th Century novel – the bloodstained
monsters depicted in Dickens’ “a Tale of Two Cities.” Although the
revolution of 1830 was defeated, Victor Hugo sees the revolutionaries
as human beings and evokes sympathy for the cause for which they are
fighting.
To say it is a revolutionary musical would be pushing
it. It is a musical about revolution and about the appalling injustices
of society but the message of the musical and the book is about
individual salvation through love.
The central character Jean
Valjean is imprisoned for five years for stealing a loaf of bread, then
another 14 for trying to escape (not an exaggeration of the penal code
of the period). On release he is condemned to carry a yellow passport –
an ID card which is as effective as a brand – even outside the prison
he is not free.
A priest who takes the message of Christianity
seriously (and thus has no future in the Church!) seeks to redeem him
with an act of kindness and (without retelling the whole story) the
narrative rests on the consequences of that act of kindness.
Perhaps
the most shocking aspect of the original story is the casting of a
policeman, a perfectly respectable upholder of the law with no sympathy
for the poor, as a villain. We are accustomed to seeing “crooked cops”
but he isn’t crooked, he is as straight as he can be according to his
lights. He simply enforces an unjust law because it is not his place to
change it. He would be at home in the modern Labour Party wouldn’t he?
The
most powerful scenes involve the street fighting in Paris during the
1830 revolution and the idealism of students and young people who are
depicted as simply and selflessly fighting for the poor of their own
city.
“Do you hear the people sing?
Singing a song of angry men?
It is the music of a people
Who will not be slaves again!
When the beating of your heart
Echoes the beating of the drums
There is a life about to start
When tomorrow comes!”
Without
the music the words give you some idea of the emotions stirred by the
powerful song. I am aware that people talk cynically about “not a dry
eye in the house” but it really is an accurate description of how
people in the audience respond to this.
In the final scene the
selflessness is rewarded when with Les Miserables they ascend to
heaven. Dickens, for all his compassion, would have had them going to
the other place!
And at the end of the play you walk back to
the tube station. There are people bedding down for the night in cold
wet shop doorways. It would take a revolution to put an end to this
injustice.
“At the end of the day there's another day dawning
And the sun in the morning is waiting to rise
Like the waves crash on the sand
Like a storm that'll break any second
There's a hunger in the land
There's a reckoning still to be reckoned and
There's gonna be hell to pay
At the end of the day!”
Battleship Potemkin
Battleship Potemkin was on BBC4 last night. I thought
they were pushing the idea of having repeats for
Christmas to the limit with a 1925 film. Then I
watched it for a bit and ended up watching the whole
thing.
It
was a film Hollywood could not have made and couldn't make today. The
corporations would not be happy with the whole idea. Eisenstein could
experiment with
technique and make a silent black and white film
come alive. The actors (and they were not all actors, some were members
of the public roped in by his enthusiasm)
have to express themselves without words and put across a story which
can be understood in any language.
And
what a story! The sailors have to suffer appalling conditions and lack
of food; their officers lie to them and meet discontent with brutal
repression. In the end the sailors outrage finds a focus when the
vicious Tsarist officers put a tarpaulin over the heads of some rebel
sailors and orders the marines to shoot them. This is too much for the
sailors and they appeal to the marines to think about who they are
shooting and they rebel. The leader of the revolt is killed but his
death becomes the focus of solidarity and revolution in Odessa.
Even
eighty years after the film and a century after the events it depicts
it is still a moving tribute to the men and women who took the first
faltering steps towards the revolution of 1905 and it the last reel
accurately portrays their apprehension and anxiety and then their joy
and enthusiasm at their successes.
It was the last time
Eisenstein had complete cotrol over one of his films. His next film
October was cut by about a third as Stalin sought to rewrite history so
that Trotsky did not appear and Lenin was made to sound like a
Stalinist!
I doubt if they will show it on American TV, but
you can download it from the internet and there are various sites which
have streaming video which let you watch the film for free.
Lady Chatterley’s Lover
I
read this as a result of watching the TV program The Lady Chatterley
Affair. It is not the best book in the world but rereading it after all
these years the notorious sex scenes do seem more human than a lot of
writing on the subject. You find sexism, racism and homophobia in what
Mellors says, but his conversation is very human if some of his ideas
are weird.
It could have been called “When Ollie Met Connie”
because the first 119 pages feel a bit empty and listless because they
show how empty and listless Constance Chatterley’s life is and the
story comes alive when she gets together with the gamekeeper. He is
referred to as Mellors and “The Gamekeeper” more often than by his
first name.
“When John Thomas met Lady Jane” would make a nice title too – these
are the pet names for his cock and her cunt :)
Of
course it was the idea of one of the lower classes having sex with an
aristocrat which was really immoral to the prosecution in the court
case. I mean you wouldn’t want your wife and your servant to get ideas!
The Chatterley Affair
The Chatterley Affair
A victory over hyprocrisy
"Is
it a book that you would even wish your wife or your servants to read?"
In 1960, prosecutor Mervyn Griffith-Jones tried to persuade an Old
Bailey jury to ban DH Lawrence's novel Lady Chatterley's Lover. The
victory for Penguin Books was a turning point in recent history and
represented a massive defeat for the ruling class.
Censorship
has been used by privileged elites throughout history. For instance,
the works of Milan Kundera were banned by the Stalinist regime in
Czechoslovakia. They said the works were offensive to Czech women.
Anyone who reads them finds them much more offensive to the Stalinist
regime itself!
The Chatterley Affair on Channel 4 mixed fact and
fiction to bring this story to life. Two members of the jury fall in
love under the influence of the novel. The progress of their affair is
shown interspersed with extracts from the case based on the court
record.
The novel uses language which even today has shock value
and would be out of place in The Socialist. However, Lawrence
recontextualises the language and transforms the four letter words from
obscenities into the language of love.
It is not the best novel
in the English language. The first chapter for example is one long
“miaou” about women’s rights. Nevertheless the stand which the jury
made against hypocrisy threatened the very right of the ruling class to
decide what we can read.
Andrew Davies’ play which was shown
twice on BBC4 is well worth the time taken to view it. And let your
wife or your servants watch too!
V for Vendetta
"V
for Vendetta" is great fun. It is an adventure film with some serious
messages included. It is usually possible to wade through the deepest
ideas in an adventure film (for example, X men, Catwoman) without
getting your ankles wet. This is a bit different.
John Hurt
and Stephen Fry are always good value for money and Hugo Weaving in the
title role was a revelation with his ability to create a role
brilliantly while hiding behind a mask for the whole of the movie.
Terrorism,
homophobia, racism and islamophobia are all dealt with in the film in
different ways. There are chilling insights into the secret camps where
alleged terrorists are tortured for the good of the state. And the
media are not exonerated either.
Most crucially the plot shows
the way the religious right can use terrorism as an excuse for
repression. In the course of the narrative responsibility for a
terrorist outrage is shifted to whoever is the current enemy of the
state. It comes as no surprise to find out that the author of this
"9/11" turns out to be the dictatorship itself.
John Hurt is
very good as a dictator and he also plays a caricature of himself on a
TV show hosted by Steven Fry's character, Deitrich. Deitrich falls foul
of the secret police for his pains. He expected to get away with a
grovelling public apology. Instead he is killed when a copy of the
Koran, which he kept because of its poetry, is found in his house.
If
you have ever had a sneaking suspicion that Guy Fawkes was the only man
to enter Parliament with honest intentions, the sight of millions
marching in Guy Fawkes masks to overthrow a corrupt government based on
lies is inspiring.
And that is where the film falls short. What
happens next? It is here that the emasculation of the original story is
most keenly felt. The "politics" were not exciting and spectacular
enough so they remained on the cutting room floor. The original story
of V was not from a socialist but an anarchist perspective but at least
didn't leave the basic questions unasked; the original message of the
story has been toned down and given the Hollywood treatment.
I
still think the film does fulfil in an attenuated form, the concept of
the original writer, Alan Moore "../the central question is, is this
guy right? Or is he mad? What do you, the reader, think about this?
Which struck me as a properly anarchist solution. I didn't want to tell
people what to think, I just wanted to tell people to think, and
consider some of these admittedly extreme little elements, which
nevertheless do recur fairly regularly throughout human history."/
You have to like action/adventure films to appreciate it but if you do,
this film is for you.
"People should not fear their governments. Governments should fear
their people!"
Forget you had a daughter
There
is a clear implication in many of the books written about European or
American prisoners in jails abroad that it is all very well for the
"natives" to have to put up with disgusting conditions but it is just
not cricket to expect us to.
For example, anyone who has
read Midnight Express will have felt sympathetic to the protagonist but
still felt, 1) he was a drug smuggler carrying an improbable amount of
dope for his own use and 2) he seemed to have a contempt for the people
and the country where he was imprisoned.
"Forget you had a
daughter" by Sandra Gregory is the story of a drug smuggler who wound
up in prison in Thailand and how she coped with the experience. She
wound up in the infamous Lard Yao prison, jokingly referred to as the
"Bangkok Hilton". If anyone begins this book thinking it is another
"Midnight Express" they are soon disabused.
Sandra Gregory,
who wrote the book with Michael Tierney, steers clear of that. The
early chapters express her love for Thailand and the story ends with
her regret that she can never go back there. She makes no bones about
her guilt and/or stupidity. Moreover, she earned the disapprobation of
some white prisoners because of her friendships with Thai prisoners and
she has harsh words to say about the treatment of prisoners in British
jails where she spent the last years of her sentence.
It doesn't sensationalise the sexual tension in a women's prison but
doesn't skirt round it either.
The
corruption in the prison was remarkable, prisoners could get most
things on the black market but woe betide them if they couldn't pay
their debts: "On one occasion a Nigerian woman had her bottom lip
bitten off and fed to a cat, for not keeping up the repayments." I have
to warn you that that is mild compared to some of the things reported
in this book. It is not for those who are too fastidious.
Sandra
Gregory is not obsessed with herself, throughout the book she observes
and tells the stories of other prisoners. This is no sob story.
Although it contains graphic descriptions of the conditions in prison
it is written with some humour and is a very readable narrative.
Two lives
Vikram Seth ISBN 0-316-72774-1
Published September 2005
“Don’t
take the black man” were the first words Henny Caro first said about
Shanti Seth when he was proposed as a lodger in her family home –
hardly a promising start to a relationship which was to last the rest
of their lives.
Shanti and Henny Seth were not famous, at least
prior to the publication of this book. Their lives spanned a fair
proportion of the twentieth century and they were dominated and changed
forever by the rise of Nazism and the second world war.
Shanti,
born in 1908 and brought up in India, was sent to study dentistry in
Berlin in the 1930s although he did not speak a word of German. It was
there that he met Henny who came from a patriotic “intensely German”
family. In addition to her initial hostility, she was also engaged to
someone else.
She was able to get out of Germany and went to
reside in London where they became close friends. He lost his arm at
the battle of Monte Cassino but went on to pursue a successful career
despite his disability. It was only after the war that she learned that
her mother and sister died in Auschwitz. The book traces her search for
the truth about their fate.
This close intimate portrayal of their lives by their nephew is a
powerful work of art and will not leave any reader unmoved.
Interestingly
as well as dealing in detail with the plight of the Jewish families in
Berlin during the war it also deals with the less well-documented
suffering of Germans in the post war period.
It also deals with
the effect on Henny’s group of close friends in Berlin, Jewish and non
Jewish, one of whom became an apologist for the Nazis. The personal is
political in this novel but there is nothing but the most superficial
of political analysis on the part of the writer; the reader has to
provide that.
In addition to spanning the century, the narrative
spans the globe, from India, Germany, Israel and Palestine to Britain
where they lived most of their lives.
Reflecting on the story
which he has been telling, the author concludes, “Behind every door in
every ordinary street, in every hut in every ordinary village on this
middling planet of a trivial star, such riches are to be found.”
Read it.
Life on the Screen
By Sherry Turkle, Touchstone Books, 1997
WITTY AND well-written, Life on the Screen explores the strange world
of cyberspace and the even stranger world of 'postmodernist' theories.
Although not a Marxist, Sherry Turkle attempts both to clarify
postmodern ideas and make explicit the differences between
postmodernism and Marxism.
Multi User Domains, or MUDs, are areas in cyberspace where people
interact who often will never meet in RL (real life). To users in the
USA, predominantly middle class, male and white, MUD has become "an
object to think with". They increasingly use the Internet to explore
alternative gender and ethnic roles in the apparently safe environment
of MUD.
Turkle deals with the increasing importance of simulations both in
computer games and for applications such as warfare and economic
planning, and compares the popular game Sim City 2000 with the planning
software used in Washington. With both, the user is a prisoner of the
implicit assumptions used by the programmer. In Sim City for example,
race is never a factor in inner-city conflicts, and the solution to
crime is to flood the streets with police.
A sociologist's child told him that the built-in bias of the programme
against mixed-use development was 'just the way the game works': "My
daughter's words seemed oddly familiar. A few months earlier someone
had said virtually the same thing to me... while I was working at the
White House. We were discussing the simulation model likely to be used
by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) to score proposals for health
care reform. When I criticised one assumption, a colleague said to me
'Don't waste your breath', warning that it was hopeless to try to get
CBO to change. Policy would have to adjust". Sherry Turkle does not
reject simulations as such but believes that criticism should lead to
simulations which help players challenge the inbuilt assumptions.
Turkle uses the changing emphasis in computer science as a
metaphor for the difference between Marxism and post-modernism,
mentioning one philosophy student who believed that society could not
"be understood in terms of any systematic theory. But he does believe
that if we accept society's opacity we can learn at least to navigate
its contours more effectively".
The rise of post-modernism is associated with the aftermath of the 1968
events in France, when a mass movement of the working class was
derailed by the French Communist Party who, not for the first time,
sought to confine it to legal and parliamentary channels. Several
leading French intellectuals then responded to this defeat by
retreating into non-Marxist or even pre-Marxist ideology.
In place of a battle to change society, they put a continual struggle
to constitute the 'self'. In place of a battle against the ideology of
the ruling class, they advocated manipulation of a kaleidoscope of
competing ideologies. No longer concerned to change the world, they
believed it impossible even to explain it.
While explaining these ideas in detail, the author also provides a
fascinating insight into the developments of artificial intelligence,
and the evolving debate around the ability of computers to show
intellect or emotions.
In the 'Turing Test', humans and machines interact, and the machine
makes the grade if it can pass for human. Turkle gives the example of a
college student using the name 'Barry' who spent days in a Multi User
Domain trying to seduce a piece of software called 'Julia', before
concluding that "It is not clear whether Julia passed a Turing test or
Barry failed one".
Turing tests are taking place in cyberspace all the time and Turkle was
a little surprised to find a character in a MUD calling itself 'Dr
Sherry' and conducting research in a virtual room. It was not clear
whether the character was a real person or a programme written to
simulate a character (known as a `bot) but she could be fairly certain
that it wasn't her!
I found Life on the Screen a first class read. Whatever you think about
the book, you can always contact the author on the Internet and give
her your thoughts. Someone will respond... but will it be the `RL'
Sherry Turkle?
.